Parliamentary Address by Prime Minister of Mongolia Nyam-Osoryn Uchral

(Below is the AI/unofficial translation of the full speech given by Nyam-Osoryn Uchral, the Prime Minister of Mongolia, at the plenary session of the State Great Khural (parliament), following his confirmation as the new prime minister on March 30, 2026. Click here to access the original official speech in Mongolian for accuracy).

"Esteemed Citizens,

Your Excellency, President of Mongolia,

Honourable Members of the State Great Khural,

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to you for appointing me to the high-responsibility position of Prime Minister of Mongolia. I extend my appreciation to the Mongolian People’s Party and my colleagues for nominating me for this esteemed position, and to the President of Mongolia, His Excellency Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh, for supporting the Party’s decision and submitting my nomination to the State Great Khural for appointment.

Please allow me to convey my respect to the 34th Prime Minister of Mongolia, Gombojavyn Zandanshatar, and the members of his Cabinet, who worked to stabilize the economy by implementing fiscal discipline, increasing exports and foreign exchange reserves.

Prime Minister of Mongolia Nyam-Osoryn Uchral (https://mongolia.gov.mn/)

Honourable Members of Parliament,

I fully recognize that the office of the Prime Minister of Mongolia is not merely a position of authority, but one of great responsibility—bearing significant burdens and transforming challenges into solutions.

At a time when Mongolia is facing compounded international, economic, and political risks and crises from both external and internal fronts, I am assuming this high-responsibility role. The Government is commencing its work amid overlapping pressures and confronting a storm of three major risks.

First: Rising fuel prices and the risk of shortages

Due to the war in the Middle East, increases in energy and oil prices, supply shortages, disruptions in transport and logistics, and constraints in international trade have constricted the global economic system. Many countries around the world have declared states of emergency.

For Mongolia, which is fully dependent on imported fuel, the risks related to price increases and supply shortages are exceptionally high. Fuel prices affect the price of everything. They directly influence the cost of bread, flour, meat, milk, and all production inputs.

Rising fuel prices further fuel inflation, erode wages and incomes, weaken the national currency, and accelerate capital outflows in foreign currency. Transportation and operational costs have increased by at least 20 percent, reducing the profitability of both businesses and households.

Compounding these challenges, the energy sector—already strained by inappropriate tariff policies and entangled in debt and receivables—continues to face the risk of further disruptions in the coming winter.

As the spring planting and construction season begins, Mongolia is also confronting potential supply disruptions and price increases in key inputs such as fuel, explosives, and fertilizers.

Second: Volatility in commodity prices and the risk of declining fiscal revenues

Our economy remains vulnerable and fragile, as it is heavily dependent on a limited range of commodities—primarily coal and copper. Should price volatility and fluctuations in commodity markets persist, economic growth will slow. Investment will decline, and trade, tax revenues, and overall fiscal income will decrease.

This, in turn, will lead to funding shortages for essential expenditures such as wages, pensions, healthcare, schools, and kindergartens. There is a real risk that the livelihoods of the nation, households, and citizens as a whole will be adversely affected by such price volatility.

The consequences of past policy choices—prioritizing increased spending and an expanded state budget during periods of high coal prices, rather than building reserves, investing sustainably, and creating long-term value—are now being felt more sharply, more painfully, and more severely.

Had we made bold and substantial investments in the energy sector and electricity infrastructure, we would have been in a far stronger position to face the coming winter with confidence. Instead, the tendency to spend in line with rising revenues has now resulted in significant and tangible risks.

Third: Domestic bottlenecks and the risk of political fragmentation

Political divisions and conflicts have escalated to the point of disrupting the stable, continuous, and effective functioning of the state. These internal challenges are compounding the crises originating from the external environment.

Priorities have become misaligned, adding further strain to an already difficult situation. While the economy should sustain politics, it is now politics that is undermining the economy.

At a time when other countries are developing comprehensive response plans, declaring states of emergency, strengthening unity, and reinforcing national resilience, we cannot afford to lose sight of our responsibilities through excessive politicization.

The more we compete against one another for short-term advantage, the more we risk being collectively overtaken by real economic crises. As the saying goes, “Mongolia for Mongolia,” if we continue to be consumed by internal discord, we will all suffer greater losses in the face of global challenges.

I therefore call upon all of us as policymakers to uphold our oath to serve the state, to recognize the weight of our responsibilities, and to work together—guided by reason and in the national interest.

In the face of these three major threats arising from external pressures and internal challenges, what must we do?

The new Government will not promise miracles, nor will it claim to deliver economic wonders. We will speak the truth as it is.

While we may not be able to change the external world, we have a responsibility to do everything within our control domestically. We may not change the course of global developments, but we must ensure that Mongolia navigates these changes with minimal damage—and that we do not, in the future, regret failing to act when it mattered most.

While Mongolia does not determine global oil prices, we will take adjustment measures within our capacity under extraordinary circumstances. Even if we were to abolish the tax that accounts for 5 percent of fuel prices, it would not be sufficient to counter the surge in global prices—having risen from USD 67 per barrel in February to nearly double that level today, with further increases expected.

Let me state clearly: at a time when major developed countries are declaring states of emergency and shifting into austerity modes, there is no realistic possibility of artificially holding prices down. Attempts to impose administrative price controls may offer temporary relief, but we have seen across many sectors that their long-term consequences are severe.

Reducing or eliminating taxes and fees on fuel provides only limited and marginal impact on prices. Given the force majeure conditions in international markets, no one can accurately predict how prices will evolve or what tomorrow may bring. Our priority, therefore, must be to prevent supply disruptions and shortages of fuel.

We will maintain continuous and active engagement with the Russian Federation across all relevant channels to ensure stable supply and prevent disruptions.

In response to these risks, the Government will move forward with the “Liberate” initiative that I introduced during my tenure as Speaker of Parliament, implementing the policy framework of the “four pathways to freedom” and “four liberations.”

Freedom is trust. Freedom is strength. Freedom is the very air that a democratic society breathes. Freedom is not disorder—it is the bond that unites justice and solidarity.

In defining and structuring these four pathways and four liberations, we have taken into account the evolving global order—shifting from a unipolar system to a more multipolar world. The post–World War II order is undergoing significant strain, and today, uncertainty itself has become the only certainty.

Rivalries among major powers are intensifying, expanding across political, economic, geopolitical, and geostrategic domains. Competition now spans information technology, artificial intelligence, semiconductors, energy, power resources, raw materials, and even culture.

The centre of global economic gravity is shifting toward Asia—the continent in which Mongolia is located. Over the past 26 years, Asia’s share of global GDP has increased from 35 percent to 47 percent. The region’s average economic growth rate has reached approximately 4.5 percent—nearly twice the global average.

On the one hand, we are presented with the boundless opportunities of globalization; on the other, we face a new challenge—preserving our national identity and safeguarding the delicate balance of remaining distinctly Mongolian in an increasingly interconnected world.

The global pandemic, the re-emergence of divisions reminiscent of a new “iron curtain,” wars and conflicts, and the spread of geopolitical tensions have followed one after another, with hotspots igniting across the globe. While we may not change the world, preserving what must not be changed—our national identity—and strengthening our resilience in the face of these challenges has become a test we must overcome.

A free society is stronger when it is open, healthy, and governed by a state that trusts its citizens. The foundation of the state’s legitimacy lies in the trust of its people, just as the success of political parties depends on public support.

No one would dispute that the fundamental path to delivering economic growth to households and individual citizens is to ensure human freedom—by removing bureaucratic barriers, excessive regulations, and overreach of the state that constrain people’s ability to work, create, and innovate.

It is our responsibility to transform how we utilize our nation’s natural wealth—by adding value through processing and production, and by changing the long-standing pattern of exporting raw materials in their unprocessed form.

We must fully leverage the opportunities created by the interim agreement that opens access to a USD 2.4 trillion market across five Eurasian countries, aligning it with the President’s initiatives such as the Food Revolution, White Gold, and the Atar-4 campaign, and work toward diversifying an economy that remains heavily dependent on mining.

There is much to be done to increase the value of our meat, dairy, leather, wool, and cashmere, and to enhance the income and profitability of Mongolian herders and national enterprises.

Economic growth must be measured not only by impressive figures, but by real, tangible outcomes. While distant, attractive statistics may sound encouraging, few can confidently say that such growth has reached their doorstep or meaningfully improved their lives.

Freeing the private sector from excessive state practices, and freeing individuals from bureaucratic constraints, will be a central priority of the new Government.

When trust declines, the economy declines. Therefore, the Government’s guiding principle will be to place trust in its citizens, in the private sector, in foreign investors, and in the creators of wealth—believing in their drive to build, create, and contribute.

FIRST PATHWAY: ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION

1. At a time when the weighted average interest rate on bank loans stands at 17–20 percent, and that of non-bank financial institutions reaches 30–42 percent, it is impossible to change a reality where people are trapped in a cycle of borrowing to repay existing debt. As long as Mongolia remains a haven for high-interest lending, and households continue to struggle to make ends meet, escaping the burden of debt and opening new enterprises will remain difficult—while closing businesses will remain all too easy.

Under such conditions, the day when we can produce and supply our basic needs domestically, create widespread employment, and ensure stable incomes for our people will remain distant. The ongoing discussions to invite European and Asian banks into Mongolia mark an important starting point toward accessing lower-cost financing and relieving the burden of high interest rates through increased competition. Mongolia remains one of the very few countries in the world without the presence of foreign banks.

By removing artificial barriers created by limited market players, collusive practices, vested interests, and restrictive legal frameworks, we will foster free competition—thereby increasing investment, improving access to finance, and reducing the cost of capital. We will establish a dual-pillar financial system, expanding the base of professional investors to attract long-term, low-cost financing. This will enable the creation of an inclusive economic growth ecosystem based on market principles, rather than state or budget-driven mechanisms.

Risks and disasters will no longer be addressed through ad hoc donations or goodwill, but through structured insurance systems. We will also reform the pension system—moving beyond an exclusively state-based model by supporting the development of private pension funds.

2. The share of total government and state-owned enterprise (SOE) expenditure in the economy increased from 51 percent in 2019 to 61 percent in 2024. Despite being a country that claims to operate under a free market economy, 60 out of every 100 tugriks are effectively allocated through administrative decisions. Under such conditions, it is nearly impossible for the private sector to grow, thrive, or serve as a true engine of development.

We will open space for private sector growth by:

• transforming state-owned enterprises into publicly accountable entities,

• consolidating or dissolving inefficient ones, and

• limiting excessive fiscal expansion.

We will create a clear pathway where:

• small businesses can grow into larger enterprises, and

• large enterprises can compete on a global scale.

The long-standing and unresolved discussions on reforming state-owned enterprises—through public ownership, consolidation, or dissolution—will finally be brought to a decisive conclusion.

3. We will ensure that the freedom to conduct business, private property rights, and investments are protected by law, and we will put an end to the issuance of rules and regulations that go beyond the law.

At all levels of government, decisions that negatively affect the business environment will be revoked. We will adopt and enforce the “No Surprise” principle, ensuring that the state does not introduce sudden, unpredictable measures that disrupt the business environment.

4. We will introduce a comprehensive package of reforms to establish a fair tax system—where those who comply are not disadvantaged and those who do not are not rewarded.

In developing this reform, we will incorporate the views of taxpayers more broadly—rather than those of tax authorities—and will submit the proposal together with the draft 2027 state budget.

5. We will prioritize budget expenditures based on actual needs and efficiency, eliminate unnecessary spending, and transition to a disciplined fiscal consolidation approach.

Overlapping government functions will be streamlined, and duplication of responsibilities across institutions will be eliminated.

We will conduct a comprehensive review of the 1,024 provisions across 208 laws that currently mandate recurrent budget expenditures, and incorporate reforms to limit excessive expansion of such spending into the 2027 state budget proposal.

Poor planning leads to fundamentally flawed outcomes. We will promote free competition in key sectors such as agriculture, energy, and public transportation.

Endless subsidies will be evaluated and, where appropriate, discontinued. Savings from inefficient public spending will be redirected toward increasing public sector wages and pensions.

Wages and pensions will be indexed in line with inflation.

6. Through public-private partnerships, all provinces will be granted the autonomy to independently implement development projects.

Unnecessary permits and approvals issued by ministers and agency heads will be abolished.

We will create the legal framework to increase the share of mineral royalties allocated to local development funds from 10 percent to 20 percent—effectively doubling it.

Local governments in resource-producing regions will receive greater benefits from the utilization of their natural resources and will be empowered to finance certain expenditures independently.

We will strengthen and expand the Sovereign Wealth Fund, continuing mutually beneficial negotiations with holders of strategic deposits. Under the “Mongolia—Owner of Its Wealth” initiative, we will implement the constitutional provision to ensure that the benefits of natural resources are distributed equitably between present and future generations.

The management of the Sovereign Wealth Fund’s assets will be aligned with international best practices.

We will also continue negotiations in line with the policy of the Zandanshatar Government to increase Mongolia’s share of benefits from the Oyu Tolgoi project to 53 percent.

7. We will continue the implementation of major strategic projects initiated by previous governments aimed at import substitution, export expansion, value creation, and strengthening economic independence.

These include:

• the Oil Refinery,

• the Steel Plant,

• the Erdeneburen Hydropower Plant, and

• the Copper Smelting Complex.

8. In any society, people live through work, effort, and creation. Mongolia must not become a country where it is difficult to work and earn a living, yet possible to live without working.

It is not acceptable for hardworking individuals to carry the burden of those unwilling to work. When social welfare becomes excessive and indiscriminate, it ceases to be compassion and instead becomes a disincentive.

We will promote the desire to work by creating new jobs and expanding accessible programs for skills development and retraining. We will adhere to the principle of supporting every individual who works, strives, and creates value.

Vocational education and training centers (TVETs) will be established in partnership with major companies and industrial enterprises, creating a new system where training is directly linked to employment.

A simple indicator of the imbalance in the labor market is that job vacancies significantly outnumber job seekers. We will address this gap by enabling TVET graduates to transition directly into employment, while ensuring that employers can access a workforce equipped with the skills they need.

Social welfare must be targeted—reaching the right people, at the right place, and delivering real impact. Those who genuinely require support will receive it, while those capable of working will be transitioned “from welfare to employment.”

SECOND PATHWAY: LEGAL AND REGULATORY LIBERALIZATION

1. To free our hardworking, creative citizens and wealth-creating private sector from restrictive bureaucracy and entrenched administrative practices, we will not merely follow existing paths—we will create new ones.

We will dismantle the prohibition-based system disguised as “permits” and clear the way for economic freedom by removing unnecessary barriers.

We have already begun to address excessive bureaucracy that forces individuals to spend up to four months obtaining approvals to open a small shop or café.

Through the Law on Permits, to be discussed during the spring session of Parliament, along with amendments to more than 90 related laws, we will eliminate a system in which “permits” have multiplied to over 1,000 under different names—such as certificates, agreements, registrations, references, and approvals—and effectively remove these barriers to freedom.

A citizen once shared with me that in Arkhangai province, despite successfully selling dairy products and wanting to expand their shop from 12 to 45 square meters, they were required to navigate extensive paperwork and approvals. Such examples—where success is constrained rather than supported—are widespread.

Through this reform:

• 32 types of commercial, service, and manufacturing activities will no longer require permits or administrative approvals;

• individuals will simply notify their activity via mobile phone and begin operations immediately;

• 31 permits will be abolished entirely;

• 254 special permits will be reduced to 180;

• more than 1,000 permit-like requirements will be streamlined into just 134 simple permits and 32 notification-based procedures.

Building on our achievement of advancing 28 places in the global e-government index, we will further introduce an AI-based “e-cabinet” system for decision-making, digitize all licensing and permitting processes, and roll out the e-Business 2.0 platform in phases.

2. Government services that are low-risk but high-cost will be outsourced to the private sector. We will fully establish a service culture where the state proactively serves its citizens.

Artificial intelligence will be utilized in processing permits, tenders, documentation, reporting, planning, evaluations, forecasts, and data analysis.

We will implement a “once-only” data principle, ensuring that citizens are required to provide the same information only once—thereby freeing them from paper-based bureaucracy.

3. Civil servants have increasingly become hesitant to take initiative or make decisions. A system has emerged in which those who act and resolve issues are penalized, while inaction is rewarded.

We will reverse this distortion by restoring decision-making authority at all levels of government.

We will conduct a comprehensive review of the public administration system—where roles and responsibilities have become unclear and overlapping—and optimize its structure.

Civil servants will be freed from the burden of producing 14–18 different types of reports on a monthly, quarterly, semi-annual, and annual basis. Under the “Once-Only” principle, reports with similar content will be prepared only once.

Government performance will be measured and evaluated based on international indices and the real impact of policies.

4. We are living in a new era where the world is rapidly transforming through technology, and where a nation’s competitiveness is no longer defined solely by natural resources beneath the ground, but by the knowledge and skills within its people.

We must acknowledge that Mongolian children face unequal starting conditions due to disparities between urban and rural areas, as well as between public and private schools. According to the 2022 PISA assessment, children in soums lag behind those in cities by up to three years, and behind those in aimag centers by one year.

Our goal is to ensure that no gap in knowledge or learning outcomes exists between a child in Ulaanbaatar and a child studying in a remote soum. It is essential to eliminate learning disparities and enable every child—regardless of location—to access world-class education through technology.

In an educated society, unemployment is lower. Poverty is lower. Crime rates are lower.

We will improve the social security and conditions of teachers—the key builders of an educated society—and further develop a performance-based compensation system, while implementing the Law on Supporting Teacher Development, which I initiated.

To me, a “good school” is one that has:

• a strong curriculum,

• capable teachers,

• no inflated or artificial grading,

• a per-child funding system,

• participatory governance,

• digital integration,

• access to nutritious meals, and

• a safe environment free from bullying.

In addition to educating citizens, it is equally important to ensure that every child grows up safe and protected. Child protection is not merely a legal matter—it is a pillar of national resilience.

Schools, kindergartens, and digital environments must all be safe and child-friendly. We will adopt a strict “zero tolerance” policy toward violence against children.

We will also address the issue of brain drain by creating conditions to bring back Mongolian talent that has reached global standards, while enabling world-class education within the country. We will transform outward migration of talent into a “brain gain” for Mongolia.

We will develop a “smart system” where the education system responds directly to labor market demand—supplying the skills that are needed. Our goal is not to produce unemployed graduates with diplomas, but skilled professionals aligned with real market needs.

Artificial intelligence will be utilized to support this transformation.

5. The health insurance system, which in essence has become a loosely monitored welfare mechanism rather than true insurance, will be reformed and transitioned into a system based on pooled financing.

We will establish a framework that includes not only public but also private health insurance, introducing a system of shared financing.

Primary healthcare centers will be strengthened, with a shift in focus from treatment after illness to prevention and the promotion of healthy lifestyles.

In Mongolia, the issue is not the competence of doctors, but the quality of medicines. We will accelerate the integration of drug registration, importation, monitoring, and distribution into a unified digital system—thereby preventing the entry of counterfeit and substandard medicines.

To address rising medicine prices, we will introduce public oversight mechanisms by developing a system that tracks wholesale and retail prices, sales volumes, and pricing margins of imported pharmaceuticals and medical supplies at every stage of the supply chain.

THIRD PATHWAY: GREEN DEVELOPMENT LIBERALIZATION

Mongolia is a nation with a deep intellectual and cultural heritage rooted in a philosophy of harmonious coexistence with nature. It is a country endowed with vast and inexhaustible renewable energy resources—sun and wind.

At the same time, Mongolia is highly vulnerable to climate change, with 76 percent of its vast territory affected by desertification and land degradation.

Protecting our environment while responsibly utilizing our natural resources—and passing on a risk-free homeland to future generations—forms the foundation of a sustainable, green development model.

The essence of green development lies in the fundamental constitutional right to live in a healthy and safe environment, protected from ecological imbalance. Supporting environmentally friendly economic models, eco-industries, and sustainable agriculture, while expanding the use of renewable energy and reducing carbon emissions, will guide the implementation of the “3–100” green development program framework.

• Despite enjoying more than 240 days of sunshine annually and abundant wind resources, Mongolia remains heavily dependent on imports—spending approximately USD 200 million per year on electricity and over USD 2.2 billion on fuel.

• While energy consumption continues to grow by 6–10 percent annually, power plants remain stalled at the planning stage. During peak winter periods, this has resulted in supply shortages. It has now been 43 years since the construction of CHP-4, and no new major power plant has been completed by the state since then.

Through the “100,000 Solar Ger” initiative, by 2035, 100,000 households in ger districts will adopt integrated systems combining solar panels, heating solutions, and energy storage—building on the example of 83 households in Chingeltei district.

This transformation—eliminating chimneys, reducing electricity demand, and generating household income—will collectively form a broad pathway toward green development.

This initiative represents:

• fuel without firewood,

• clean air without pollution,

• health without risk,

• time and cost savings,

• and the sharing of light, warmth, and cleaner living environments.

This is not the end, but the beginning—of removing 100,000 smoke-emitting chimneys that have burdened the lungs of Ulaanbaatar.

Under the “100 MW Distributed Energy Sources” initiative, we will deploy decentralized, self-sustaining systems in aimags and local areas—systems that fully charge and store energy from solar power, enabling greater energy independence.

It is encouraging that Mongolian companies and engineers are already taking the lead—developing and constructing such systems themselves. During the peak winter period, when energy shortages are most acute, there has not been a single power outage in Zamyn-Uud. Similar initiatives are now emerging in several provinces and major settlements, where public-private partnerships are being formed to establish solar and wind power plants. Some of these projects have already secured financing.

The Government will fully support private sector initiatives to develop distributed renewable energy systems by launching open and competitive selection processes.

Another key component of the 3×100 program is the initiative to establish a network of 100,000 electric vehicle fast-charging infrastructure points along major transport corridors—north to south, east to west—across Mongolia’s vast territory.

We will implement the initial phase of this initiative by establishing 100 fast-charging stations in collaboration with national companies.

Mongolia, with its vast land and abundant solar and wind resources, also has the opportunity to empower its herders—who continue to preserve our nomadic heritage—through the “Solar Mongolia Herder” program.

This program will:

• reduce pasture degradation,

• measure and verify carbon sequestration in grazing lands, and

• create new income streams.

Under agreements with highly developed, land-constrained countries such as Switzerland and Singapore, herder households, rural citizens, and any interested participants will have the opportunity to generate income in foreign currency through carbon-based mechanisms.

This will open a new pathway of economic liberation—linking environmental stewardship with tangible financial benefit.

FOURTH PATHWAY: ANTI-CORRUPTION LIBERALIZATION

The continued decline in Mongolia’s standing in the Corruption Perceptions Index published by Transparency International—rather than improvement—is a serious warning we must not ignore.

In 2025, Mongolia scored 31 points, dropped by 10 places, and ranked 124th out of 182 countries. This is not merely a perception—it is a reality.

There is little value in disputing international reports or our own reflection in the mirror. Instead, we must focus on correcting and improving the situation.

The victims of corruption and abuse of power are all citizens of Mongolia. The cost of corruption is the loss of opportunity for every individual and the erosion of public trust.

Efforts to hold offenders accountable remain insufficient—whether in ensuring that those convicted of corruption face appropriate penalties, preventing them from evading justice, or recovering illicitly obtained assets.

It is essential that individuals convicted of corruption not only face imprisonment, but also compensate for the damages caused. It is unacceptable that public funds—derived from taxpayers’ efforts—are used to sustain them without ensuring restitution.

As Head of Government, I will lead and work closely with Members of Parliament who have initiated reforms to:

• confiscate illicitly acquired assets and unjustified wealth under direct public oversight,

• sell such assets transparently, and

• allocate the proceeds to public goods such as healthcare, education, hospitals, and schools—supported by clear and open reporting mechanisms.

We will transform the 820,000 publicly disclosed data entries from transparency initiatives into a comprehensive big data system, enabling decision-making processes that are independent of individual discretion.

Our Government will operate under a crisis management framework—prioritizing speed, execution, and digital transformation. It will be:

• data-driven in its decision-making,

• aligned with accelerated e-governance principles,

• citizen-centered,

• transparent, and

• committed to advancing freedom.

Honourable Members of the State Great Khural,

Throughout our history, the Mongolian people have prospered when united, and declined when divided. In the face of global turmoil—rising energy prices, supply shortages, and disruptions in transport, logistics, and trade—we must come together under one flag, as one Mongolia, regardless of political views, party affiliation, or profession, and work collectively to turn challenges into solutions.

Let us place full trust in one another—in Mongolia itself, in our fellow citizens, in our wealth creators and investors—and commit ourselves wholeheartedly to our shared purpose.

Let us free every individual who seeks to create and build from the constraints of restrictive bureaucracy, and unite to create a peaceful and stable environment for our people.

Together, let us withstand and overcome the storms of our time.

Let us build a Mongolia where we compete not for positions, but for solutions—where we do not fight over seats, but advance through ideas and innovation.

We will remain responsive, citizen-centered, and committed to working with humility and simplicity.

May the sun of freedom shine upon every Mongolian, and may our free and independent Mongolia continue to flourish and prosper."